Department of History

-

This paper envisages (re)constructing the intellectual praxis of women trade unionists in late colonial Bengal. By arguing how political practice habitually translates to political thought, the paper devises a methodology to address the gendered discourse of intellectual history in the Global South. It focuses on intellectual output, primarily journal articles of women trade unionists like Santoshi Kumari Gupta, Maitreyee Bose, and Kanak Mukherjee, to trace a genealogy of how class struggle was perceived by women labour activists across the ideological spectrum of nationalism, socialism, and communism between 1920 to 1947 in Bengal. The piece is an effort to transcend the manifold marginalisations that plague the establishment of feminine political praxis within the regulating structures of colonialism and capitalism. In the process, it bids to unfold an alternative narrative of the anti-colonial, anti-capitalist, and anti-patriarchal narrative of the decolonisation of South Asian intellectual thought.

By focusing on the publications of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (JIH) in the Malayalam language, this article argues that the 1979 Iranian Islamic Revolution (IIR) marked a rupture from the disenchantments of the 1947 partition of British India and Cold War-centered politics for the Islamists of Kerala. This rupture from the colonial past and a Western-inspired intellectual climate had resonances in the discourse on Islam in Kerala. The Iranian revolution not only imported the idea of Islamism or revolution but also a renewed interest in democracy, modernity and the idea of “Islamist political” to the southwest coast of India. In an attempt to write an intellectual history of emotions related to the IIR, this paper argues that in the case of Islamists, there was a strong tendency to break from the intellectual discourse of the nation-state and begin afresh in politics, and the moment of 1979 provided what they sought for long.

This study aims to analyse the spatio-temporal trends in water quality, trophic state, and organic contamination of an alpine lake in the Darjeeling Himalaya through field investigations and to portray a comprehensive picture using multivariate analysis. Analysed water parameters have shown notable seasonal variations and were within the acceptable range for inland surface water. Water quality index (WQI) and organic pollution index (OPI) values have displayed ‘poor’ to ‘heavily polluted’ status in the pre-monsoon season, with marginally better conditions during the post-monsoon studies. Trophic state indices (TSIs) values revealed ‘eutrophic to highly eutrophic’ conditions during the investigation period. The results of the PCA have depicted three major determining factors (i.e., anthropogenic contribution, geogenic or weathering, and seasonal/climatic factors) that control the overall pollution level in the lake water system. The current study can potentially be a benchmark for assessing and undertaking management and restoration measures for this nascent alpine ecosystem.

-

Scholars have long debated the woman question in Buddhism, in terms of the social spaces and gendered attitudes revealed by texts and traditions. In the opinion of some, Buddhism in its essence does not discriminate between male and female forms. It is the cultural baggage of the practitioners that has led to discriminatory behaviour based on the body. But others have questioned this understanding as being too simplistic and essentializing. The discourse around gender has multiple layers and contexts corresponding to developments (both philosophical and sectarian) within Buddhism. This article attempts to look at the evolution of this discourse from Early Buddhism to the early stages of Mah?y?na Buddhism and, subsequently, within Mah?y?na Buddhism. To do so, this article utilizes Mah?ratnak??a S?tras, and Prajñ?p?ramit? S?tras, juxtaposing them to analyse the evolution of the gender discourse in the philosophical world as well as in the narrative world. This study reveals that while Mah?y?na Buddhism philosophically stands upon the concept of ??nyat?, that is, emptiness, which extends to include the illusory nature of the human body, the narrative literature carries reservations about the female body. Mah?ratnak??a S?tra employs a narrative device of ‘sex transformation’ as part of the show of the enlightened state of the female practitioner. Despite the claims made by all these practitioners about the emptiness of the body, all these stories end with female practitioners acquiring a male body and immediately receiving their Buddhahood. This study reveals a more complex picture of conversations and interactions between Early Buddhism and Mah?y?na Buddhism.

As India faced multiple waves of the pandemic, religious responses arose to accommodate and make sense of the situation. In the face of uncertainty, disease and death, people turn not just towards the medical sciences but also religion. The emergence of a new Hindu goddess, Corona M?t?/Coronavirus Mardhin? encapsulates people’s fear, faith, and devotion. Although the goddess is new, the tradition of disease goddesses is ancient. The Indian Subcontinent has a long history of mother goddesses who have been protecting their devotees from diseases such as smallpox, fever, plague, etc. This paper attempts to examine the emergence of Corona M?t? in the historical context of these ‘protective mothers’. On one hand, historically, these goddesses have emerged as a result of interaction between Brahmanical religion and regional practices. On the other hand, these disease-centred goddesses can also be seen as the result of fear and faith. This paper will analyse the location of Corona M?t? in the ever-evolving pantheon of Hindu deities in the context of a 21st-century pandemic.

-

Though India is no stranger to either epidemics or hate speech, the COVID-19 crisis brought to the surface many of the pre-existing schisms and prejudices that subsequently led to both the Muslim minority community and the Dalit community being cast as miasmic and constant agitators against the central government. In the case of hate speech against the Muslim community, it has led to a peculiar situation wherein the invisible but pervasive Islamophobia that has been plaguing the country from the colonial times has risen it ugly head particularly across regional news channels and social media networks, making the phenomena hyper-visible. The Hindutva politicians from the extreme right parties have been indulging in spreading anti-Muslim propaganda, moulding the image of the Muslim community as not only disease-bearers and super-spreaders of COVID-19 virus but also as being anti-national, as the central government has proclaimed ‘a war against the COVID virus’ (The Print, 2020, 26 April). During the initial spread of the virus throughout the country, there was an increasing tendency to show the Muslim community as intentionally spreading the disease or as being ignorant of current medical practices, with multiple TV channels airing the views that the Tablighi Jamaat event (a religious congregation held in March 2020) was marked as a super-spreader event, and with multiple politicians engaging in rumour-mongering and hate-speech against the Muslims, framing the community as a miasmic community that needs to be cleared from India. On the other hand, the hate speech against Dalits in India is much more nuanced, indirect and layered. It began as WhatsApp and Facebook messages extolling the caste system and justifying the discriminatory practice of untouchability using the logic of social distancing and progressed to painting Dalits and Dalit spaces as unhygienic disease-scapes. This consequently led to the denial of livelihoods to thousands of domestic workers and unskilled workers who belonged to lower caste groups as they found themselves without jobs as most middle caste upper caste families and business owners fired their employees without notice. The study involves a hermeneutical analysis of news reports of the spread of COVID from newspapers and electronic media in English as well as interviews with at least 100 members of groups on social media (WhatsApp and Facebook) that propagate extremely communal and casteist material.

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-